Muslims await the holy month of Ramadan with great anticipation. But for me, no matter how many years of practice, Ramadan always brings great anxiety.
The mere thought of having to go through a working day without my daily intake of coffee and trusted nicorette chewing gum is, at the very least, daunting. Admittedly, it was worse when I averaged two packets of cigarettes a day. Those days, my friends would only call me on social matters after 6 pm.
From my observation, in the first two weeks, most of us crave for home cooked food and breaking fast with close family members. Maybe for the very same reason, most working people in the Klang Valley find it increasingly impossible to beat the treacherous traffic jams to achieve this. If I recall correctly, when I lived in Putrajaya, I managed to break fast at home twice in the first two weeks. The other times were spent in my car on the Seremban-Malacca highway.
One thing for sure, Ramadan is not like any other month. Somehow, we manage to ignore deadlines and outstanding tasks to find time to buka or sahur with friends. Alumni and old friends networks thrive during this month. Maybe its because everyone has dinner at the same time; regardless the reason, the bottom line is that it brings people together.
But it means more than this to so many people. Usually, it is when I go to the mosque to pay the obligatory zakat that the initial anxiety transforms. There are no words that can express the feeling I get at witnessing believers wholeheartedly increasing their efforts to obtain mercy, forgiveness and protection from God. It is a time when Muslims collectively commit to purify themselves.
This is evidenced by the abundance of Malaysians making the trip to Mecca to perform their umrah during this month. I was fortunate to have gone there a few Ramadans ago and the sights that awaited me were nothing short of amazing. The mosques were filled to the rafters. There was a common purpose, a sense that there is a force greater than any on this planet. This commitment can also seen here, where roads next to mosques are filled with cars of Muslims performing the Tarawikh prayers.
To me, the real beauty of Ramadan extends beyond personal sacrifices such as hunger and the commitment to do more to bring us closer to God. It reminds us that there are those who are less fortunate.
In a political scenario where populism is bandied about as a tool to win votes and to show that the government is not doing enough for the unfortunate, Ramadan illustrates there is another avenue that is still under-utilised for alleviating the problems faced by this segment. During Ramadan, welfare institutions like orphanages receive a spike in attention and assistance from Muslim individuals and companies because Ramadan provides clarity and definition to their every day suffering. Empathising and actually living it gives rise to different reactions. If only we can emulate this awareness on a more sustainable basis.
Ramadan is also beautiful because in a small way, it reveals the character of unity that embraces the differences of each individual. Personally, there have been many instances when non-Muslim superiors forced me to go back home in time for buka puasa. I still find it amusing (at the same time uplifting) that some friends refuse to eat or drink in front of me. This shows an understanding of the culture of Ramadan.
Hari Raya, which marks the end of Ramadan, is also a day celebrated by all Malaysians. It is a period where we can ask for forgiveness and strengthen the bond through the many open houses.
For me, at least on this day, it is an escape from the turbulent world of politics, and allows me to seek forgiveness from family and friends, leaving political differences safely at the gate.
The true spirit of Ramadan might still elude me, but for now the magic beauty is already there for anyone who chooses to see.
25.9.08
Tunda Lagi..
Anwar Ibrahim kini makin tersepit. Sudah dua kali dia menangguh "peralihan Kerajaan" dan ramai yang pada mulanya taksub dengan kepimpinan Anwar Ibrahim mula hilang kepercayaan.
Kesilapan Anwar Ibrahim ialah dia terlalu yakin dengan kebolehannya untuk memujuk 30 Ahli Parlimen BN untuk melompat. Kerana terdesak, Anwar Ibrahim mula menukar rentak permainan politiknya apabila melanggar dua tarikh yang ditetapkan sendiri. Kini Anwar ingin mengambil pendekatan "berhati-hati" pula.
Saya percaya taktiknya untuk memporak perandakan Barisan Nasional dengan memastikan SAPP keluar dari Barisan Nasional tidak menjadi kerana tidak mendapat persetujuan dari beberapa orang penting di dalam SAPP. Dia mengharapkan keputusan SAPP untuk keluar BN akan mencemaskan Ahli Parlimen BN. Namun jelas, ia tidak menjadi.
Perasaan cemas yang melanda Anwar mula menonjol apabila dia menidakkan Ketua Penerangannya sendiri, Tian Chua. Persoalan yang terzahir ramai ialah bagaimana Ketua Penerangan parti yang sama memberi maklumat yang salah?. Lebih-lebih lagi maklumat itu amat mudah sekali, adakah wakil dari PKR berjumpa dengan YAB PM?. Ya atau tidak?. Itu sahaja.
Anwar Ibrahim perlu akur bahawa sebagai pemimpin pembangkang tindak tanduknya ini akan membawa kesengsaraan kepada rakyat Malaysia akhirnya.Khusunya di dalam senario ekonomi global yang tidak menentu ini, kerakusan Anwar untuk meraih kuasa akan mengancam ekonomi negara. Malah terdapat NGO yang membuat laporan polis terhadap Anwar Ibrahim kerana menjejaskan kestabilan negara. Rakyat memerlukan kepimpinan bersama dan bukannya perebutan kuasa yang tidak demokratik.
Masalah Anwar semakin meruncing kerana PAS sudah mula terbahagi kepada dua. Harapannya untuk membentuk Kerajaan banyak bergantung kepada kesetiaan PAS untuk berada di dalam Pakatan Rakyat. Kini banyak pihak di dalam PAS yang mula menyoal hubungan PAS dengan PKR.
Namun yang demikian, ketika Pakatan Rakyat di bawah Anwar Ibrahim dibelenggu masalah, UMNO pula perlu kukuh. Desas desus perihal mesyuarat Majlis Tertinggi yang kini terpapar di dalam blog-blog perlu segera ditangani. Kami berdoa, di dalam sinar bulan yang mulia ini, pucuk pimpinan akan dapat membuat keputusan peralihan kuasa yang terbaik, keputusan yang telah dibuat bersama sebelum ini agar UMNO tidak berpecah belah.
19.9.08
In The Ring > Finding our Obama
No matter the outcome of the US presidential election, Barack Obamas name has made it into the annals of history. Walking up to the podium at the Democratic convention in Denver as the presidential candidate, he must have shared the popular sentiment that the accompanying thunderous applause signified a faith in the promise of new political norms.
Obamas oratory skills have defined much of the way people view him. On my last count, his acceptance in Denver had been viewed over 600,000 times on YouTube alone.
Obamas promises of change and departure from the "old politics" resonate with young American voters who see him as a public figure who understands their concerns and aspirations. But at 47, he would be considered very young in Malaysia's political context one imagines that men and women his age would be, at best, a Cabinet member. It would appear that age is not so much a criteria as a necessity in Malaysian politics; it is further unfortunate that political conventions in Malaysia uncontestingly equate experience with age.
The irony is that the Malaysian citizenry is young, with the last general election seeing voters under the age of 40 accounting for approximately 40 per cent of the electorate.
Latest figures indicate that the percentage of young voters in the next general election would increase substantially. Yet, this segment remains very much under-represented at the national level; it would be difficult, I suspect, for a casual political observer to name just 10 under-40 Members of Parliament off the cuff.
A qualification is called for here. Just as old is not always gold, the presence of young politicians on the national scene does not guarantee the representation of voices and sentiments of Malaysias Generations X and Y. It would be insulting to our youth for us to assume that we could have a young politician with old ideals and have him or her appeal broadly to that section of the electorate. In fact, I was quietly taken aback when a young friend described a minister whom I thought was looked upon as youthful and vibrant as part of the old guard.
The answer could be as simple as one of a supply problem. In my line of work, I encounter many aspiring potentials with strong interest in politics. They have a very good grasp of political theory and are well versed in the art of policy making bringing a fresh outlook that could significantly contribute to nation building. Armed with large dosages of desire and the willingness to work hard, they should, in an ideal world, be able to climb the political hierarchy of any party with great ease.
But the reality is very different. These aspiring young men and women generally fall into two groups.
The first places idealism among the top motivating elements for participation in the cut-throat world of politics. After spending some time in the system, they often turn their back on active participation and end up either disillusioned or seek solace in becoming a member of the silent majority.
Members of the second group usually succumb to the demands of politics and gradually morph into beings that are a shadow of their once-selves.
Thus if we accept the reality of Malaysian politics as it is today that the demands for a successful career in politics include the ability to "bend" ones ideals we certainly need to construct a new brand of politics to make sure these young potential leaders remain engaged with their ideals intact. In charting this new reality, there must be the courage and the will to appoint more members of civil society young leaders with a different set of skills and beliefs in the decision-making level of our political parties.
In the presence of obvious talent and potential, erstwhile taboos must be set aside. Now, more than ever, the older generation must learn to accept that our youth simply do not conform to traditional political stereotypes.
Obama will feature on the Democratic ticket this November because somehow, somewhere, taboos were broken at different stages of his relatively brief political career.
Malaysias Obama is somewhere out there, yearning for his or her space. The onus is on us to create it.
Obamas oratory skills have defined much of the way people view him. On my last count, his acceptance in Denver had been viewed over 600,000 times on YouTube alone.
Obamas promises of change and departure from the "old politics" resonate with young American voters who see him as a public figure who understands their concerns and aspirations. But at 47, he would be considered very young in Malaysia's political context one imagines that men and women his age would be, at best, a Cabinet member. It would appear that age is not so much a criteria as a necessity in Malaysian politics; it is further unfortunate that political conventions in Malaysia uncontestingly equate experience with age.
The irony is that the Malaysian citizenry is young, with the last general election seeing voters under the age of 40 accounting for approximately 40 per cent of the electorate.
Latest figures indicate that the percentage of young voters in the next general election would increase substantially. Yet, this segment remains very much under-represented at the national level; it would be difficult, I suspect, for a casual political observer to name just 10 under-40 Members of Parliament off the cuff.
A qualification is called for here. Just as old is not always gold, the presence of young politicians on the national scene does not guarantee the representation of voices and sentiments of Malaysias Generations X and Y. It would be insulting to our youth for us to assume that we could have a young politician with old ideals and have him or her appeal broadly to that section of the electorate. In fact, I was quietly taken aback when a young friend described a minister whom I thought was looked upon as youthful and vibrant as part of the old guard.
The answer could be as simple as one of a supply problem. In my line of work, I encounter many aspiring potentials with strong interest in politics. They have a very good grasp of political theory and are well versed in the art of policy making bringing a fresh outlook that could significantly contribute to nation building. Armed with large dosages of desire and the willingness to work hard, they should, in an ideal world, be able to climb the political hierarchy of any party with great ease.
But the reality is very different. These aspiring young men and women generally fall into two groups.
The first places idealism among the top motivating elements for participation in the cut-throat world of politics. After spending some time in the system, they often turn their back on active participation and end up either disillusioned or seek solace in becoming a member of the silent majority.
Members of the second group usually succumb to the demands of politics and gradually morph into beings that are a shadow of their once-selves.
Thus if we accept the reality of Malaysian politics as it is today that the demands for a successful career in politics include the ability to "bend" ones ideals we certainly need to construct a new brand of politics to make sure these young potential leaders remain engaged with their ideals intact. In charting this new reality, there must be the courage and the will to appoint more members of civil society young leaders with a different set of skills and beliefs in the decision-making level of our political parties.
In the presence of obvious talent and potential, erstwhile taboos must be set aside. Now, more than ever, the older generation must learn to accept that our youth simply do not conform to traditional political stereotypes.
Obama will feature on the Democratic ticket this November because somehow, somewhere, taboos were broken at different stages of his relatively brief political career.
Malaysias Obama is somewhere out there, yearning for his or her space. The onus is on us to create it.
15.9.08
In The Ring > Our country – through their eyes...
In a few weeks, my grandfather will cross the 90 year mark. I marvel at the potential magnitude of nostalgia that could run through Atoks mind as he blows the many candles on his cake. Atoks birthday is a yearly reminder of the fact that he, my father and I are born exactly 30 years apart.
Of different generations and of different times, I often reflect on how each of us views this birth country of ours. Simply put, what holds true for Atok might not be the case with my father, and be completely alien to me. In the context of our 51-year-old nation, the fragmented manner in which we fathom our Malaya-Malaysia results in different concepts of national identity.
Atok was born in 1918, the year the First World War ended and post-Pangkor Treaty making him familiar with the realities of colonialism. At the beginning of World War II, he had just become an adult and was beginning to learn more about the Japanese invasion. By the time the foreign soldiers landed in Kota Baru, Atok was a husband with obligations, which makes me wonder how he found the courage and strength to brave a Malaya defined by a grave sense of uncertainty.
He must have asked himself in his quiet moment if his country would ever escape from the clutches of foreign control and exist as a sovereign nation. Questions like this, I am sure, plagued him.
On the other hand, my father was born in the pre-Independence era shadowed by instability owing to guerrilla operations that defined the Malayan Emergency. My father was 10 years old when the Merdeka Mission returned with success. Naturally, he wouldn't be able to relate to the struggle for Independence as much as Atok.
I hasten to speculate that through my fathers adult eyes, his real Malaysian experience was the tragedy of May 13 and the ensuing hope in the shape of the New Economic Policy. Overcoming the rubble and the hurt, he saw real opportunities opened up with the governments efforts to eradicate poverty, and more avenues for Bumiputeras to move up the economic value chain. The seeds of the Bumiputra middle class were sown, where solutions were laid out to correct the failures of colonialism.
For me, adulthood was seen in the context of the Asian Financial Crisis. I recall vividly the uncertainty of a final year law student about the prospect of Malaysias future. When the Kuala Lumpur Stock Exchanges composite index plummeted, I questioned Malaysia's ability to overcome this shock. Would we ever be the same again? Could we regain our competitiveness in this increasingly globalised world?
A year later, I witnessed the height of the Reformasi movement where people, for the first time in the country's history since I was born, voiced out their collective grievances against the administration of the day. Coupled with the financial crisis, it was a period mired with confusion, uncertainty and a general feeling of discontent.
However, these worrying undertones offered a different exterior. Recovering from the crippling crisis, we saw a period of vast infrastructure development. The spanking new KLIA, majestic skyscrapers and highways signified the coming of the information age we are proud to be beneficiaries of today.
The conclusion though, remains the same: every single time we are faced with a challenge, the country survives, coming out stronger. But are we stronger as a nation? Divorcing ourselves from the cosmetics that define citizenship, are we truly one? Why is race still a divisive issue? These are the hard questions that even the greatest Malaysian minds today cant address.
The greatest fear I have is that when my son welcomes adulthood, looking out on the horizon of the country from the tinted window of his auto-pilot flying car, he finds we are nowhere closer to finding the answers to living together as Malaysians of various races and culture.
I know that Atok secretly wonders in amazement at the technological advances that now defines Kuala Lumpur but through the same eyes, he must wonder why certain things cannot change or have, in fact, become worse with time.
Of different generations and of different times, I often reflect on how each of us views this birth country of ours. Simply put, what holds true for Atok might not be the case with my father, and be completely alien to me. In the context of our 51-year-old nation, the fragmented manner in which we fathom our Malaya-Malaysia results in different concepts of national identity.
Atok was born in 1918, the year the First World War ended and post-Pangkor Treaty making him familiar with the realities of colonialism. At the beginning of World War II, he had just become an adult and was beginning to learn more about the Japanese invasion. By the time the foreign soldiers landed in Kota Baru, Atok was a husband with obligations, which makes me wonder how he found the courage and strength to brave a Malaya defined by a grave sense of uncertainty.
He must have asked himself in his quiet moment if his country would ever escape from the clutches of foreign control and exist as a sovereign nation. Questions like this, I am sure, plagued him.
On the other hand, my father was born in the pre-Independence era shadowed by instability owing to guerrilla operations that defined the Malayan Emergency. My father was 10 years old when the Merdeka Mission returned with success. Naturally, he wouldn't be able to relate to the struggle for Independence as much as Atok.
I hasten to speculate that through my fathers adult eyes, his real Malaysian experience was the tragedy of May 13 and the ensuing hope in the shape of the New Economic Policy. Overcoming the rubble and the hurt, he saw real opportunities opened up with the governments efforts to eradicate poverty, and more avenues for Bumiputeras to move up the economic value chain. The seeds of the Bumiputra middle class were sown, where solutions were laid out to correct the failures of colonialism.
For me, adulthood was seen in the context of the Asian Financial Crisis. I recall vividly the uncertainty of a final year law student about the prospect of Malaysias future. When the Kuala Lumpur Stock Exchanges composite index plummeted, I questioned Malaysia's ability to overcome this shock. Would we ever be the same again? Could we regain our competitiveness in this increasingly globalised world?
A year later, I witnessed the height of the Reformasi movement where people, for the first time in the country's history since I was born, voiced out their collective grievances against the administration of the day. Coupled with the financial crisis, it was a period mired with confusion, uncertainty and a general feeling of discontent.
However, these worrying undertones offered a different exterior. Recovering from the crippling crisis, we saw a period of vast infrastructure development. The spanking new KLIA, majestic skyscrapers and highways signified the coming of the information age we are proud to be beneficiaries of today.
The conclusion though, remains the same: every single time we are faced with a challenge, the country survives, coming out stronger. But are we stronger as a nation? Divorcing ourselves from the cosmetics that define citizenship, are we truly one? Why is race still a divisive issue? These are the hard questions that even the greatest Malaysian minds today cant address.
The greatest fear I have is that when my son welcomes adulthood, looking out on the horizon of the country from the tinted window of his auto-pilot flying car, he finds we are nowhere closer to finding the answers to living together as Malaysians of various races and culture.
I know that Atok secretly wonders in amazement at the technological advances that now defines Kuala Lumpur but through the same eyes, he must wonder why certain things cannot change or have, in fact, become worse with time.
5.9.08
In The Ring > Opposing roles and goals
Not veering far away from general expectations, it was another eventful week in Malaysian politics. A few days after the Pakatan Rakyat win in Permatang Pauh, the government responded with a Budget, in it, policy actions that appeared to address the plight of the lower and middle class segment of society head on.
Permatang Pauh, apart from returning Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim to Parliament after almost a decade of absence, has revealed a new chapter in Malaysian politics. It was not so much the outcome as the emergence of the more sophisticated election machinery and communications technology involved that is an eye opener.
From what transpired in Permatang Pauh, we can say goodbye to the sentimental images of families making banners together, painting on a white piece of cloth individual messages that come from the heart.
Today, the well-oiled propaganda machines churn out concerted messages on banners printed in mere seconds, multitude sized T-shirts, masks, and you-name-it paraphernalia all just as speedily,
In ushering in this new era of politics, however, I feel that opposition leaders have yet to show maturity and the competency to rise above political rallies, ceramah, innuendos, conspiracies and staged walkouts. The response to the recently tabled Budget is an illustration of this failure.
To a large extent, in terms of policy initiative and the ability to think out of the box to challenge the government on substantive issues, the opposition has failed to meet expectations.
Criticism without intelligence will not fill the vacuum of the peoples aspirations to see quality debates that would transform into policies beneficial for all. The cornerstone of an effective opposition is to propose alternative policies. Parti Keadilan Rakyat did come out with a last minute response to the Budget but can this be taken as the collective voice of Pakatan Rakyat?
It is a steep learning curve. Household names like Jeff Ooi and Nurul Izzah have yet to capture the publics imagination and expectations. For a coalition that is hell bent on forming the government in a matter of days, the Pakatans collective policy lacks clarity and is absent of any strong champions.
With its newfound vigour, the oppositions functions should not be limited to the definition given by Tierney centuries ago that: The duty of an opposition is to propose nothing, to oppose everything and to turn out the government.
A few months after the March 8 results, prominent bloggers wrote about the need for the opposition to form a shadow Cabinet. Maybe due to political reasons within the Pakatan Rakyat framework, this has not materialised.
Many feel that the opposition should set aside their differences and form a shadow Cabinet that is able to give well thought-out feedback on all proposed legislation and not succumb to the desire to play politics at every turn.
Malaysians have proven again that they are a matured and rationale electorate. The message for change naturally transcends to Umno and Barisan Nasional. They, like the opposition, have to up the ante and make room for fundamental changes.
As with the 12th General Election, it is apparent that the electorate rejects negative politics and at the same time, positively responds to substantive measures that will benefit them directly.
The Budget highlighted awareness of this shift in thinking on the part of the government, but it is only a start. The opposition, with a new head at the helm, must realise that they too have an important role in Malaysia.
It is unfortunate that the spirit of Ramadan will not deter the continued drama in the sphere of politics. The sad truth is that the tug of war for the peoples support has not ceased since March 8. The estimate as to how long the politicking will continue and have to be endured in the event Sept 16 being postponed, does not augur well for apolitical Malaysians.
It is hard to explain to the electorate that their choice, made through the ballot boxes across Malaysia for a government with a strong opposition to provide check and balance, may not be acceptable to the politicians of the day.
Permatang Pauh, apart from returning Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim to Parliament after almost a decade of absence, has revealed a new chapter in Malaysian politics. It was not so much the outcome as the emergence of the more sophisticated election machinery and communications technology involved that is an eye opener.
From what transpired in Permatang Pauh, we can say goodbye to the sentimental images of families making banners together, painting on a white piece of cloth individual messages that come from the heart.
Today, the well-oiled propaganda machines churn out concerted messages on banners printed in mere seconds, multitude sized T-shirts, masks, and you-name-it paraphernalia all just as speedily,
In ushering in this new era of politics, however, I feel that opposition leaders have yet to show maturity and the competency to rise above political rallies, ceramah, innuendos, conspiracies and staged walkouts. The response to the recently tabled Budget is an illustration of this failure.
To a large extent, in terms of policy initiative and the ability to think out of the box to challenge the government on substantive issues, the opposition has failed to meet expectations.
Criticism without intelligence will not fill the vacuum of the peoples aspirations to see quality debates that would transform into policies beneficial for all. The cornerstone of an effective opposition is to propose alternative policies. Parti Keadilan Rakyat did come out with a last minute response to the Budget but can this be taken as the collective voice of Pakatan Rakyat?
It is a steep learning curve. Household names like Jeff Ooi and Nurul Izzah have yet to capture the publics imagination and expectations. For a coalition that is hell bent on forming the government in a matter of days, the Pakatans collective policy lacks clarity and is absent of any strong champions.
With its newfound vigour, the oppositions functions should not be limited to the definition given by Tierney centuries ago that: The duty of an opposition is to propose nothing, to oppose everything and to turn out the government.
A few months after the March 8 results, prominent bloggers wrote about the need for the opposition to form a shadow Cabinet. Maybe due to political reasons within the Pakatan Rakyat framework, this has not materialised.
Many feel that the opposition should set aside their differences and form a shadow Cabinet that is able to give well thought-out feedback on all proposed legislation and not succumb to the desire to play politics at every turn.
Malaysians have proven again that they are a matured and rationale electorate. The message for change naturally transcends to Umno and Barisan Nasional. They, like the opposition, have to up the ante and make room for fundamental changes.
As with the 12th General Election, it is apparent that the electorate rejects negative politics and at the same time, positively responds to substantive measures that will benefit them directly.
The Budget highlighted awareness of this shift in thinking on the part of the government, but it is only a start. The opposition, with a new head at the helm, must realise that they too have an important role in Malaysia.
It is unfortunate that the spirit of Ramadan will not deter the continued drama in the sphere of politics. The sad truth is that the tug of war for the peoples support has not ceased since March 8. The estimate as to how long the politicking will continue and have to be endured in the event Sept 16 being postponed, does not augur well for apolitical Malaysians.
It is hard to explain to the electorate that their choice, made through the ballot boxes across Malaysia for a government with a strong opposition to provide check and balance, may not be acceptable to the politicians of the day.
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